基于瞬时相位差分特性的数据传输系统丢点检测方法

针对数据传输系统丢点问题,依据连续正弦信号瞬时相位差分特性,探讨了一种自动检测数据传输系统丢点方法。首先在数据传输系统采集前端加入正弦信号;然后将解包好的数据通过希尔伯特变换求取数据瞬时相位,并从前向后进行相位补偿,使数据瞬时相位呈连续递增形式;最后通过相位差分法求得瞬时相位前向差分。由理论分析可知:连续正弦信号未丢点时,当前位置数据相比前一位置数据相位差为2πfc/fs(fc为正弦信号频率,fs为数据传输系统采样率);连续正弦信号丢点时,当前位置数据相比前一位置数据相位差为2πfc(n+1)/fs(n为传输数据丢失点数)。由此特性,可实现对数据传输系统是否丢点实现自动检测。理论分析和实验结果表明,探讨的数据传输系统丢点检测方法可实现对数据传输系统是否丢点实现自动检测,便于工程应用。     

WRF模拟太原地区气象场特征及对弹丸的影响

在用WRF模拟太原地区2014年3月19号天气状况的基础上,得出该地区气象场特征,检验WRF模式在复杂地形下的模拟预报能力,并讨论了模拟的气象场对弹丸飞行造成的可能影响。结果表明:WRF模拟的气象场与真实大气比较接近;在该气象场背景下,射程为90 km的某弹丸由纵风引起射程误差较大,约为1 293.85 m,由横风在落点产生的横向偏差为304.85 m,由温度引起的射程偏差很小约为12.93 m。可见,实际大气对弹丸射击精度的影响是可观的,用WRF模拟的流场计算气象因素对弹丸射击精度的影响是有意义的。     

双枝模糊评判在舰炮性能评估中的应用*

针对舰炮武器性能指标,运用双枝模糊决策方法对舰炮武器性能进行综合评估.该方法提出了新的论域[-1,1],使评估更能符合人的思维逻辑,能够客观的对舰炮性能进行评估,通过对多中舰炮的具体参数指标进评估,得出各种舰炮的性能优劣的排序,具体的数学模型仿真表明,对舰炮武器性能的评估是行之有效的.     

基于察打任务的无人机作战效能评估

首先根据时敏目标打击的特点,分析了察打任务模式下的察打一体无人机的作战使用。然后对评估体系中察打一体无人机的侦察能力与打击能力相关性进行了分析,同时将任务可执行度作为无人机效能评估的一项动态权衡标准,建立了基于察打任务的无人机效能评估模型,并基于效能指标体系建立了各分项模型。最后通过算例验证了模型的可行性。     

对新疆高校大学生主流文化认同教育的思考

结合当前新疆高校大学生主流文化教育面临的新问题、新挑战，阐述了中国特色主流文化认同的内涵、特征、主流文化认同的理论视域，分析新疆高校大学生主流文化认同教育的特殊重要性，提出加强新疆高校大学生主流文化认同教育的策略选择。     

前传协同制导交接环节的导弹指示信息的解算

针对协同制导交接时的导弹指示问题,利用坐标变换及时空配准等方法,通过对协同信息处理设备的讨论以及导弹指示信息解算模型的分析,建立了平面解算模型与椭球面解算模型两种坐标变换解算模型.对两种模型的求解方法分别进行了说明.对各种模型的解算效果进行了仿真计算及比较分析.所得模型及解算方法对协同制导作战有一定的理论和实践意义.     

竞争性假设分析法在群体性事件情报预警中的应用

目前，边防部门对于群体性事件预警情报的分析缺乏科学系统的工作流程和分析思路，受思维定势、先入为主等主观因素的影响较为严重。随着科学技术的不断发展，群体性事件预警情报的来源不断扩展，数量不断攀升，如何进行准确的情报分析，成为边防部门面临的一个亟待解决的问题。分析了竞争性假设分析法在群体性事件情报预警中的可行性和实际应用，对预警情报的分析工作有一定的借鉴价值。     

Terrorism as Method in Nepali Maoist Insurgency, 1996–2016

During the period 1996–2006, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged overt people’s war to seize state power and institute a new order that realized the party’s understanding of ‘New Democracy’ as posited by Mao Tse-tung. Contextual shifts led to a crucial strategic turning point in September 2005, when the Maoists agreed to a united front with estranged legal parties to oust the monarchy and establish a republic. Though touted as acceptance of political reintegration, the move was tactical rather than strategic. The party had no intention of supporting a parliamentary version of democracy and thus, 2006–2016, engaged in a covert effort to seize power. Central to this effort was the paramilitary Young Communist League (YCL), the members of which responded to inflammatory party verbiage and exhortations with attacks upon rival political actors. These attacks, academically and legally, were terrorism and offered a salient illustration of intra-state unrestricted warfare. Ultimately, organizational, national, and regional circumstances caused the main Maoist movement to move decisively away from its covert approach. By that time, however, radical splinters had embraced the use of terrorism against rival political actors, creating a situation whereby local politics is yet a dangerous endeavor in certain areas and at certain times.     

(Re-)emergent orders: understanding the negotiation(s) of rebel governance

Abstract

The concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.